歌厅1972

作为当年击败科波拉《教父》夺得奥斯卡最佳导演的《歌厅》，今时今日远没有得到与《教父》相当的评价和讨论，其中缘由自然有歌舞片日渐式微的意难平。《教父》固然经典，但当我们再次面对《歌厅》的时候却又不得不承认它的当之无愧。 影片改编自百老汇同名音乐剧，讲述了30年代在纳粹兴起控制下的柏林，一个在歌厅表演歌舞的美国女郎，与同住一套公寓的英国男教师的感情故事。影片遵循了早期歌舞片后台罗曼史的叙事策略，却在类型片中完成了对歌舞类型的超越。一反歌舞片避世，将矛盾集中在爱情与个人奋斗的主题。导演注入了更多社会文化关怀，强化了纳粹时期的柏林背景下暴力、黑暗的环境，以及民众愚昧和易操控煽动，并与主体爱情线挂钩，进行更深入、敏感的探讨。虽整个影片仍以一曲歌舞终场，然并非如以往该类型以一场歌舞解决所有矛盾那样虚假的完满。 导演鲍勃·福斯作为百老汇一流的歌舞指导，其创作的《芝加哥》也在新世纪被搬上荧幕，其中也不乏向《歌厅》致敬元素。如片中歌厅作为人物内心的映射，和现实场景基本分离这一手法在《芝加哥》中得到延续。纵观全片，三教九流汇成了上世纪30年代的柏林末日浮世绘，其情节线并不完整，英国哲学硕士布莱恩在柏林的经历只是其生活中一段突兀而混乱的生活，同时与影片暗线纳粹上台前夕德国越来越混乱的社会状况相呼应，歌厅又成为了微观的政治隐喻。 在剪辑上，鲍勃·福斯用大量的交叉蒙太奇来推进双线叙事的顺利进行，从布莱恩的来到与歌厅开场的欢迎曲用交叉蒙太奇串联在一起；舞台娱乐打戏与后台真实暴行的快速交剪。歌厅内的人来来往，在光怪陆离的灯光烟雾中过着纸醉金迷的生活；歌厅外党卫军高举旗帜，喊着口号，纳粹主义悄然兴起。穿着大胆、浓妆艳抹的舞女与外部世界的变化图景形成鲜明对比。蒙太奇技法的频繁使用也使得《歌厅》拥有了比纯粹描写纳粹剧情片更令人后怕的力量。 在叙事方式上鲍勃·福斯用舞台生活穿梭的程式增添了剧情的荒诞性，以乔尔·格雷饰演的歌厅舞者，微翘着嘴角、瞪大眼珠，说着逢场作戏的俏皮话从未走出过歌厅的表现，凸显着时代及时行乐的宣言。其中导演埋伏的移民、同性恋、犹太等元素，都是轻描淡写地掠过或参与人物的重大人生议题却丝毫不显肤浅，与夸张萎靡的外显表象粘连成内容上的第一视点。一切都是从歌厅向外延伸，从源头打破意识形态的阻隔。 这种叙事方式不仅是台上台下的反衬，更是银幕内外的联动。用同样的手法、台词表演来开场结尾，掀起了电影与生活两个世界的幕布。迷幻背后自有明晰，舞台因荒诞与闹剧而真实，生活却因愈发荒诞而超现实。或许局中人尚未察觉，但我们看到结尾歌厅内纳粹魔影的镜像反照就已知晓，夜夜笙歌的歌厅将不复存在，接下来要登场的就是悲痛残忍的《美丽人生》和《辛德勒名单》了。

還是忍不住想來做個長評，純屬個人意見，請大家不要介意。 在馬來西亞看了同名的舞台劇版本，發現與電影的故事有著蠻大的差異。無論是男女主角之間的感情，還是演員的個性。 舞台劇版，可能是演員演技過於表面，我看不到男主角之間的感情，少了那種情感的細膩。劇裡的男女配角，變成了男主角的包租婆和同屋房客，因為德國排猶，包租婆放棄了是猶太人的房客，選擇了生存。男主知道納粹即將控制德國，所以想要帶著sally離開，sally卻不想放棄自己想要當女演員的夢想，選擇不走。最後，是host穿著橫線條的睡衣（猶太人在集中營穿的服裝）上吊死去。表示德國被納粹控制，一連串殺猶太人的行動即將開始。 看完舞台劇的感想是，我想看電影，只因舞台劇好像缺了些什麼。 電影版，老娘真的很喜歡這部電影，在電影中，你可以感受到sally對Brian的愛，從小父親不在，第一次有一個這麼溫柔的男人對她好，讓她感受到那種幸福與愉悅。雖然她知道Brian可能是同性戀，但她還是義無反顧的愛他。Brian對sally的感情，那不是男女之間的愛，而是一種安慰，Brian跟她發生了關係，就像在安慰一只受傷的小貓。 高富帥Max的出現，讓兩人的感情開始起了變化。Brian剛開始對max有些反感，有可能不是反感，而是一種擔心，就像擔心自己舊病會復發的感覺。在sally眼裡，max是個吸引人的money，在Brian心理卻不是。三人在一起時，max很正常的和大家相處。但在和Brian單獨相處時，你可以看到了那種很濃的曖昧氣氛。尤其是他說那句，你穿藍色毛衣比較好看，還有褲子放煙盒那段。三人抱在一起跳舞那時，你可以看到Brian的茫然，他望了max再望sally，他已經不知道該怎麼處理自己的感情。餐廳那段是個決定，拿出煙盒已經表明了一切，碰碰拿著打火機的小手，眼神之間的交流，腐女們看了都紛紛高了。撇開曖昧，那段也是個重點戲碼，納粹小兵唱著熱血奔騰的自由歌曲，餐廳的群眾跟著合唱，也暗示著納粹將控制德國。 旅行回來，sally開心準備要去非洲的行李。另一邊max載著Brian回到家，很明顯就是完事的氣氛，Brian下車深情的望著max，換來max冷酷的眼神，Brian也知道完了。Max急著離開，讓我覺得他像一個玩了處女的男人，想逃避責任。Brian上樓與sally吵架，當Brian說自己和max也做了的時候，我不自覺的發出了holy shit！這兩字。Sally傻了，她覺得自己被背叛。Brian為了宣洩，惡言被納粹兵圍毆。 Sally照顧受傷的Brian，sally為了不想失去Brian，故作開朗說兩人被max拋棄。不久Sally懷孕了，她不確定孩子的爸爸到底是誰，Brian思緒片刻後決定當孩子的爸爸。兩人開心慶祝這個小生命的到來，但心中還是帶著刺。因為一件事，讓Brian開始猶豫。Brian的學生frizt決定和natalia結婚，frizt為了逃避猶太人的身份，假裝是德國人保住了自己的安全。但他最後還是選擇了愛情，為自己的所愛放棄一切。Brian開始思緒，frizt和natalia是因為愛情結婚，而他和sally卻是因為孩子。他又開始茫然了，sally感覺到Brian的猶豫和心不在焉，她替Brian做出了決定，選擇墮胎不再束縛他。Brian開始很生氣，罵了sally自私，為了圓自己的明星夢放棄孩子。你可以看到sally的表情，一種被冤枉的表情，她開始說氣話，說她不想在家養孩子，兩人會為了生活吵架。但她少了那句，會吵架是因為我們的結合不是因為愛情，Brian似乎理解了sally的用意，保持了沉默。最後Sally只說了一句她很愛他，Brian沒說什麼離開房間。Sally有些後悔，因為她知道自己將會失去他。 火車站道別，sally紅著眼眶送Brian離開，她知道自己已經失去了他。Sally回到kit kat club，開心上台唱著那像是在道別人生的歌曲。電影的最後一幕，暗示著納粹已經控制了德國。整部電影的內容一直迴旋在我腦里，我進入了Brian的感情中，我喜歡他和max之間的關係，卻可憐和想疼惜sally這個女孩。導演讓歌舞片升華，不再只是快樂的歌舞劇情，而是一種現實的悲劇。演員之間的感情與關係，不用多餘的吻戲和床戲，只是一種暗示也能讓你深入其中，無法自拔。

本文首次发表于《环球银幕》2012 年 11 月刊，有改动。

歌舞片给人的印象通常是这样的：讲一小段故事 - 唱一首歌 - 再讲一小段故事 - 另一个人唱一首歌 - 终于出大事了 - 没关系，在一首压轴歌曲里，解决掉所有矛盾 - 剧终。

“我喜欢看歌舞片”，听上去总像是一个很奇怪的表达，它不像“我喜欢喜剧片”“喜欢悬疑”“喜欢追剧”那样来得自然。因为歌舞片不像是真正的电影，结局都太明确，叙事会被歌舞弱化，中间跟突然插播十段音乐广告似的，用三四分钟重复一句话的信息量；歌舞片的出现是用来逃开现实世界的，所以永远指向爱情或事业丰收：世界很美好，天天奋斗很开心，再大的困难也不怕——如果不是对赏心悦目的歌舞本身有什么特别的研究和钟爱，对于大多数人来说，何苦呢，放轻松还不如看演唱会。

去看歌舞片，要么是观众接受过这种艺术形式的传统熏陶，知道这是怎么一回事，要么各方面都拍得非常出色，让人产生了“感觉好美好啊，好让人憧憬啊”之类的愉悦感，要么是跟风看看经典，基本上，没有太多复杂的理由。

这上面说的，全是偏见，在歌舞片的世界里出现了《歌厅》之后。

1973 年，《教父》获得当年的奥斯卡最佳影片奖，此后成为传奇。但它不是当晚真正的赢家，最佳导演奖（弗朗西斯·科波拉）未被提名、最佳剪辑奖意外落空，计划拥有的荣誉几乎全部被《歌厅》获得。《歌厅》获得了 8 项重要奖项，最佳影片输给《教父》——是场意外，当时人们甚至对此感到分外惊讶。

《歌厅》厉害的地方在于它的创新能力。

它不是那样的歌舞片。它不歌颂美好，每一首歌却都透着对现实的深刻讽喻，让人不寒而栗。故事发生在 20 世纪 30 年代的柏林，两个场景：歌厅里，一切只与享乐和酒色有关；歌厅外，纳粹的势力暗自涌动。两者看上去毫无交集，其实却是各自的写照。犹太人、有钱人、穷光蛋、同性恋、双性恋、德国人、英国人、纳粹……形形色色的角色，复杂的关系和线索，便是这部“战前浮世绘”。

作为影史留名的电影，《歌厅》一直不那么有名，不像《音乐之声》《雨中曲》那么“必看”，但它更像是一个接头暗号：如果你认《歌厅》，那么你就见过真正的好电影是什么样子的。谁也无法否认，《歌厅》与《教父》有着相当的深度。跟《歌厅》的大导演鲍勃·福斯比起来，1937 年的弗朗西斯·科波拉只是个青涩的小后生。讲起爱和人性这样的主题，鲍勃·福斯的《歌厅》更能让人学一手。

电影首先讲的是爱的禁忌。

追逐名利的歌厅女可以和踏实教书的剑桥男在一起吗？美国歌厅女郎莎利·鲍尔斯和英国教师布莱恩·罗伯斯同住柏林的一家公寓，莎利奉行享乐主义，在《歌厅》一曲中表达了“即便因酗酒和嗑药致死也在所不惜”生活信念；布莱恩却肯每天靠教人英语赚 3 马克为生，最让他最快乐的不过是呆在剑桥一间小屋子里专心读书。两人深爱，并打算奉子成婚，女方深知自己无法离开酒色金钱的本性，后来又打掉孩子，决定分手。

异性恋可以和双性恋在一起吗？莎莉跟布莱恩上床之后，又看上了富豪男爵麦克斯，三个人居然走到了一起，产生了一种奇怪又自然的关系：她和布莱恩睡觉的时候，他在一旁坐着；她和麦克斯跳舞的时候，他在一旁看着。这是两个双性恋和一个异性恋发生的三角恋故事。那是 1973 年的电影。

穷光蛋可以和有钱人在一起吗？布莱恩的学生弗里兹·温德尔爱上了一起来学英语的富贵人家千金娜塔丽娅·兰道尔，弗里兹多次求爱无果，他开始怀疑自己的出身问题，怕是因为自己太穷了吧？后来他才知道对方也爱着他，一直不答应和他结婚只有一点，女方是犹太人，怕连累对方。弗里兹最后为了爱情，公开了自己苦心隐瞒了多年的犹太人身份，两人终成眷属。

比爱的禁忌更复杂的，是关于人性的阴暗处。任性又美好的爱情之外，电影记录着可怕而真实的另一面。纳粹把人类的主题交给了恐惧，对爱情的幻想或成泡影，人们将告别可以忘掉烦恼的享乐生活，必须直面死亡。

纳粹是怎样开始的？如果说《白丝带》讲述了纳粹的童年，《歌厅》讲述的就是纳粹的青春——在影片中，人们把犹太人和银行家勾结的谣言登在报纸上，无知的民众纷纷听信，毫不怀疑。里面有一首歌叫《明天将属于我》（Tomorrow Belongs to Me），前段在描写世间各种美妙的场景，如“菩提树的枝桠上长满了绿叶”，“摇篮里的婴儿闭上了双眼”，随后话锋一转：“但是在某个角落，荣誉在等待我们，明天属于我们。”民众们显然被歌声的优美所打动，却意识不到背后隐含的危机，都跟着唱了起来。不问世事的歌厅便是盲目群众的典型代表，在享乐的背景下，纳粹有机可乘。影片开头，镜头对准了观众席上人们欣喜的表情，似乎没有意识到危机的来临。影片末尾，在舞台金属布景的反射下，我们却看到了观众席上多了身穿纳粹军装的士兵——邪恶终于入侵，这座城市依然浑然不觉。

歌厅虽然代表了浅薄和浮华，但是影片借歌厅的歌舞表演所表达却是赤裸裸的现实。有几场戏（其中的歌舞片段）很值得反复看，尤其是《如果你能看见她》（If You Could See Her），它用滑稽的方式将人与大猩猩的爱情比喻为犹太人与其它种族之间的爱情，在影片中暗示犹太人已经面临的残酷处境。舞台站着一个小丑般打扮的男人，他开口演唱，解释自己为什么喜欢一位姑娘——“如果你像我一样了解她，你会改变自己的看法”；一段演唱过后，身边站着的一位背过身去、罩着披风的“女性”转过身来，原来是一只人扮演的大猩猩，底下的观众哄然大笑；但是演出继续，“小丑男人”对着这位大猩猩表现出倾慕之情，继续重复它的唱段：“如果你能像我那样看她，你就不会觉得奇怪；如果你能像我那样了解她，你也会像我一样爱上她”……这时的歌厅之外，犹太人即将遭难。《歌厅》里每一处歌舞表演都是《歌厅》本身要讲述的故事的后台和注解，它与情节本身隔离，大多由歌厅女郎莎莉·鲍尔斯（丽莎·明奈利饰）和一个完全不参与整个故事情节的歌厅小丑（乔尔·格雷饰）完成，但它让真相更加直白。

《歌厅》的 30 年后，《芝加哥》获得奥斯卡最佳影片奖。二者非常相似，首先都不是欢天喜地联欢晚会那一卦的歌舞片，是现实题材，《芝加哥》也极具讽刺意味，讽刺的是法制、媒体和大众，这是两个囚犯为了获得曝光如何争名逐利的故事；《芝加哥》就是《歌厅》的导演鲍勃·福斯 1975 年在百老汇创作的音乐剧；两部的曲作者都是约翰·肯德尔，风格也些许类似。如果无法理解歌舞片，《歌厅》和《芝加哥》会告诉你这种电影类型是如何讲故事的。

这部电影的主演丽莎·明奈利的母亲是朱迪·加兰，父亲是文森特·明奈利。母亲朱迪·加兰主演过著名的《绿野仙踪》，父亲曾因执导《琪琪》（也叫《金粉世界》）获奖。她的表演一流，并且比她父母都幸运，因为就歌舞电影来说，《歌厅》更是一座里程碑。

Source

Economic instability and social unrest following World War I gave way to a culture of escapism and decadence in Weimar Berlin. Though previously Berlin had not made much of a name for itself on the global stage, the Golden Twenties turned Berlin into the third largest city in the world, with a population of over 4 million. The 20s were a time of rich culture and sophisticated developments in art, architecture, music, fashion, and particularly film and live entertainment. Popular personas of the time included Marlene Dietrich and Lotte Lenya. The city became a haven for many writers and artists, thrill seekers who were drawn to the magnetic, taboo atmosphere— particularly of Berlin’s nightlife.

Many artists interacted and blended with the underground culture, nightlife and cabarets. Described in Voluptuous Panic: the Erotic World of Weimar Berlin as the “International sex-tourist Mecca of the Twenties and early Thirties,” Berlin was known for its sexual perversity and moral degeneracy. The nightlife scenes were famous for their erotic performances and abundance of cocaine and alcohol. As a result, many right-wing individuals viewed the culture of the time as socially disruptive and profane. One American writer of the time, Ben Hecht, described Berlin as the “prime breeding ground for evil.”

Despite the culture of decadence in the newly cosmopolitan Berlin, most of the population still faced poverty and unemployment in the aftermath of WWI. Prostitution rose as a means of survival for both women and men. In the 20s, this was normalized to a point where the German army granted approval to it soldiers to attend certain brothels, and even rationed coupon books for sexual services at establishments that had been inspected and cleared of sexually transmitted infections like syphilis and gonorrhea. Drug trafficking and the black market played a huge role in Berlin’s underground economy. Cocaine, heroin, and tranquilizers were easily accessible at the time.

Nightlife venues were abundant and diverse. They included girlculture venues, homosexual venues, lesbian venues, nudist venues, sex museums, transvestite venues, underworld venues, and Weimar Nazi venues.

Berlin Cabarets

Berlin Cabarets of the 1920’s were of a different variety than the ones that would later arise in the early 1930’s in response to the Depression, growing Nazi influence and social unrest. The twenties featured kick-lines of beautiful women who were shining with exuberance and personality: “Their faces were made up with an optimism that nipped all resistance to economic development in the bud, and the little cries of pleasure, issued in a precisely calculated rhythm, gave ever renewed praise to the splendors of existence in just such circumstances story ... exploiting with unflagging zeal the very boom they themselves were representing.” (Anton Kaes, Martin Jay, and Edward Dimendberg, The Weimar Republic Source Book)

After the Great Depression struck, the tone of Cabarets shifted significantly. Despite their well rehearsed smiles, performers began to represent deterioration and frenzy as opposed to blasé luxury: “Their smiles are those of a mark; their confidence a leftover from better days; their precision a mockery of the difficulties in which the very powers they call to mind now find themselves. Though they might continue to snake and wave as if nothing happened--the crisis to which so many factories have fallen victim has also silently liquidated this machinery of girls.” (ibid.) The dancers became more brash and provocative. Large theatres were censored by Nazis for content (both immoral and libelous), whereas nightclub stages and small cabarets maintained their erotic and subversive atmosphere and slid under the radar for a slightly longer period of time. (Lisa Appignanesi, The Cabaret)

Queer Culture

Berlin has a long and substantial history of queer culture. It was considered, from 1920s until the rise of the Nazi party, to be the gay capital of the European continent. Berlin’s status as a site of prominent cultural production was at odds with formal law; homosexuality was illegal in Germany from 1871 all the way until 1994 under the Strafgesetzbuch, or German penal code. The provision Paragraph 175 outlawed homosexual acts between men (as well as prostitution, bestiality, and underage sexual abuse). It was made more draconian during Hitler’s rein.

The burgeoning gay scene was the result of relatively tolerant policing policy that began in the late 19th century. Leopold von Meerscheidt-Hullessem, Berlin’s police commissioner in the 1880s, identified that the law was functionally unenforceable. The only way to convict someone was if they confessed, if it was a reported act of nonconsensual sexual violence, or if there was a witness who could testify in court. Rather than prioritize convictions, the police shifted their strategy to surveilling suspected individuals. The police tolerated a variety of gay public spaces—bars, cafés, and even gender non-conforming balls. Because Berliners were not penalized for frequenting these spaces a large and fairly open community emerged, one that did not exist in other European cities.

Gay culture in 1920s and early 1930s Berlin is most often, and fairly, associated with cabaret culture. A number of cabaret queens, both from Germany and abroad, were gay. One example is Claire Waldoff. Waldoff was not from Berlin, but moved there before World War I and earned a reputation as a review singer. She recorded the song “There’s Only One Berlin” in 1932, and it was banned by the Nazi Party in 1933 for its political content. However, it was so well known at the time that most people who lived in the city that year would have been familiar with it. Waldoff was a well-known lesbian; she lived with her partner, and owned a gay-lesbian salon. Although she socialized with many straight club owners and cabaret performers as well, her relationship with another woman was known and accepted.

The liberal attitudes in Berlin were partially the result of advocacy pioneered by Magnus Hirschfeld. Hirschfeld was a German physician who advocated for gay and transgender rights decades before the timeline of Cabaret, and his work and revolutionized German thought about homosexuality. The Wissenschaftlich-humanitäres Komitee, or WhK (“The Scientific-Humanitarian Committee”) was founded by Hirschfeld in 1897. The mission of the WhK was to advocate for the decriminalization and social recognition of gay and transgender people. At its height, the WhK had roughly 500 members and branches in 25 cities across three countries. Hirschfeld went on to found the Institut für Sexualwissenschaft (“Institute for Sexology”) in 1918 under the more liberal Weimar Republic. The institute advocated for widely available contraception, the treatment of sexually transmitted diseases, women’s emancipation, and sex education. Hirschfeld coined the term “transsexualism”—while terminology has since evolved, it was an important beginning to the discussion of gender nonconformity and medical gender transition—and some of the institute staff were themselves transgender. The institute offered endocrinological and surgical services, including the first modern sexual reassignment surgeries. Hirschfeld also strongly advocated against the arrest of crossdressers, especially those involved in sex work. Documentation of much of Hirschfeld’s would be destroyed in Nazi book burnings, which included the Institute archives.

Outside of cabarets, there was also a sizeable gay literary culture. The 1920s and early 1930s, there were at least 25 different gay German periodicals. These publications were sold alongside other standard papers. They provided community news, listed events, and even listed personal advertisements.